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The President's latest trip to
the Middle East seems to have failed to make meaningful progress on the
Annapolis peace process.
The three-way summit in Sharm el Sheikh that some had predicted did not
happen, although the President did meet with Israeli, Palestinian and
other Arab leaders separately. A focal point of the visit was his address
to the Israeli Knesset, a unique opportunity to recognize not only
Israel’s 60th anniversary but also present a vision for peace.
It is that speech which has seized the most attention and caused the most
debate. Much of the attention has been given to the President’s remarks
about the danger of “appeasement” vis-à-vis those who would advocate U.S.
dialogue with our “enemies”. Less noticed were (1) the regrettable absence
of any substantive mention of Israeli-Palestinian peacemaking and (2) the
highly religious tone that imbued much of the President’s remarks about
Israel.
Throughout the Knesset speech, the President related Biblical promises to
the modern state of Israel, whose destiny he linked to America’s destiny.
In describing the founding of Israel, he said “what followed was more than
the establishment of a new country. It was the redemption of an ancient
promise given to Abraham and Moses and David- a homeland for the chosen
people Eretz Yisrael.” In illustrating the American relationship with
Israel, he pointed out that the founders of the United States saw in it “a
new promised land,” and he recalled William Bradford stepping off the
Mayflower and quoting the words of Jeremiah, “Come let us declare in Zion
the word of God.”
For those of us who are religiously-minded, it should be no surprise that
the conflict in the Holy Land evokes spiritual and religious imagery, even
by major heads of state. In 1978, on the occasion of Israel’s 30th
anniversary, President Carter declared that “The establishment of the
nation of Israel is a fulfillment of Biblical prophecy and the very
essence of its fulfillment.” Carter’s words sound no less “Christian
Zionist” than those spoken by Bush last week. Likewise, President Clinton
in 1994 when he went before the Knesset recalled the words of his own
pastor who said, “it was God's will that Israel, the biblical home of the
people of Israel, continue for ever and ever”. However, such statements
do raise a number of questions given the competing Palestinian claim over
the Holy Land and the role the U.S. has traditionally sought to play as
peacemaker between Arabs and Jews.
The
question is not whether or not the Jewish people have a religious and
historical tie to the land that is today the modern state of Israel – they
clearly do – but whether it is an exclusive tie, and whether a president
of the United States is a qualified interpreter capable of providing a
sound understanding of the biblical promises, not to mention their
relationship to U.S. foreign policy.
In any case, when these three U.S. Presidents had a chance to speak before
the Israeli Knesset – the only three that have – Carter and Clinton,
unlike Bush, did not merely congratulate Israeli lawmakers. Both
emphasized the strong U.S.-Israel relationship, based on shared values, at
times laden in religious symbolism. However, importantly, they also used
their speeches to emphasize the imperative for peacemaking. In 1979 on
the heels of the Egypt-Israel accords but before any PLO dialogue had
begun Carter said, “It's
important that the door be kept open to all the parties to the conflict,
including the Palestinians, with whom, above all, Israel shares a common
interest in living in peace and living with mutual respect.”
Clinton, visiting during promising talks between Syria and Israel, told
the Knesset members: “After all the bloodshed and all your tears, you are
now far closer to the day when the clash of arms is heard no more, and all
the children of Abraham - the children of Isaac, the children of Ishmael -
will live side by side in peace.” But President Bush’s speech made no
reference to the Annapolis process and exhibited little sensitivity to the
situation of Palestinian Christians and Muslims. By failing to offer an
inclusive religious message, that is also in line with the long-standing
American diplomatic goal of a just and secure resolution of the
Israeli-Arab conflict, his words left other faith groups and the
Palestinian people unsure about his recognition of their own ties and
connections to the Holy Land.
Fortunately, President Bush did not depart from the principle of U.S.
support for a two-state solution. While he made only a cursory mention of
a Palestinian state in the Knesset speech, in Egypt three days later he
presented a clearer message when he said, “Last year at Annapolis, we made
a hopeful beginning toward a peace negotiation that will outline what this
nation of Palestine will look like -- a contiguous state where
Palestinians live in prosperity and dignity. A peace agreement is in the
Palestinians' interests, it is in Israel's interests, it is in Arab
states' interests, and it is in the world's interests.”
So the President who made history for being the first to make formal U.S.
policy the creation of a Palestinian state has not departed from his
commitment, but his words in the Knesset failed to strengthen the forces
for peace in the region and give greater credibility to his Annapolis
efforts.
At the end of President Bush’s remarks to Israel’s lawmakers, he told a
story of how on the day of Israel’s independence, the retreating British
handed the key to Jerusalem’s Zion gate to a senior rabbi, “the first time
in 18 centuries that a key to the gates of Jerusalem had belonged to a
Jew”. Speaking in Jerusalem and recalling a poignant moment for Jews in
their holy city could have been a moment to provide a broader spiritual
message on that sacred place. What does Jerusalem mean to Jews,
Christians and Muslims worldwide and to both the Israeli and Palestinian
people?
How can all of us who hold the city dear best respond to the Psalmist’s
entreaty, to “Pray for the peace of Jerusalem: May those who love you be
secure.”?
To date, the Bush Administration has been hesitant to offer its own view
on how Jerusalem should be resolved or to significantly challenge Israeli
actions that prejudge the city’s future. The President could have used
his historic speech to the Knesset to broaden his two-state vision to
include the principle of a shared Jerusalem, holy to three faiths,
significant for two peoples and critical to a final status agreement.
The Middle East today is being torn apart by sectarian conflicts and
religious extremism. With the Israeli-Arab conflict persisting 60 years
after the birth of Israel, President Bush missed an opportunity to
articulate the need for coexistence, tolerance and compromise and to
assert more urgent American leadership on issues like Jerusalem. It is
not too late for this. By restoring momentum and credibility to the
Annapolis peace process, the President can still fulfill the legacy he
seeks as a peacemaker.
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